Some
weeks ago I read The
Dictator’s Learning Curve:
Inside the Global Battle for Democracy, by William J. Dobson. As I now await page proofs of my own book, I am convinced that Dobson’s book and mine are strangely complementary and that his book rounds out my own intellectual journey. And I can’t help wondering if Dobson would have the same reaction were he to read my manuscript.
Inside the Global Battle for Democracy, by William J. Dobson. As I now await page proofs of my own book, I am convinced that Dobson’s book and mine are strangely complementary and that his book rounds out my own intellectual journey. And I can’t help wondering if Dobson would have the same reaction were he to read my manuscript.
Dobson’s
is the darker story, since he argues persuasively that dictators, in
response to democracy advocates, have gotten smarter. In Venezuela,
for example, President Hugo Chavez has become adept at using frequent
elections for his own purposes. Like me, however, Dobson also writes
about the battle for democracy.
His
focus is on powerful global players. Among these are Gene Sharp of
the Albert Einstein Institution, whose short bestseller From
Dictatorship to Democracy has
already appeared in 25 languages. Equally important is the Serbian
international NGO Otpor
(Resistance) that grew out of revolution against Slobodan Milosovic.
Otpor trains
activists in other countries to figure out their own creative
strategies for promoting non-violent revolutions against dictators.
My
focus, in contrast, is on democratization NGOs at the national level.
Although Importing
Democracy is based on
103 interviews with activists in South Africa, Tajikistan and
Argentina, these organizations are common in many other countries.
The leaders of democratization NGOs generally expect and are prepared
for a long, hard slog as they put in place the pieces of the
democratic puzzle. An NGO coalition in Tajikistan, for example,
forced the government to crack down on sex trafficking to Dubai. An
NGO in Argentina used public deliberation to help a squatter
community solve the problem of garbage collection. And in South
Africa, an NGO is pushing the government to broaden and implement the
freedom of information law to improve service provision for poor
communities. This is occurring in flawed democracies – Argentina
and South Africa, as well as in authoritarian regimes like
Tajikistan. Unfortunately, democratization NGOs in these countries
and elsewhere are not always in strategic contact with each other or
with street protestors activated by social media. Nor,
I suspect, after reading Dobson’s book, are democratization NGOs
routinely in contact with the global democratic players that he
describes.
Despite
the wave of democratic change that began in 1974 with the overthrow
of António
de Oliveira Salazar
in Portugal, Dobson is quick to acknowledge that there is nothing
inevitable about the overthrow of dictators or the progress of
political freedom.
But,
as he concludes, “my optimism grew as I sat down to meet with the
people who had committed themselves to fight for these freedoms…They
were not blind idealists…They were accomplished strategists,
propagandists and political analysts.”
I
share Dobson’s optimism, based on my own interviews. There is, to
quote from Hamlet, “more in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are
dreamt of in your philosophy…” – a sobering reminder that
seeing through a glass less darkly requires reading what challenges
and expands our own expertise.
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